Monday, October 29, 2007

SOL: Is online democracy a reality?

Thanks to Chris who recently sent an email titled True Democracy:
Finally... true democracy has arrived that uses modern communication tools. http://senatoronline.com.au
It's called Senator Online (or SOL) and it's a special breed of political party with almost no fat of its own. It has no opinions of its own, no real power of its own, and a rigorously transparent administration. Essentially it exists to be a proxy for all enrolled citizens of Australia who choose to participate (in a strictly egalitarian manner) in SOL's Internet platform.

Senate plugged! What? It's an example of what technocrats call "electronic direct democracy (EDD)" or "e-government" and so far I haven't seen one mainstream media article talking about it; even bloggers have only briefly mentioned it (correct me if wrong). So this is an attempt to analyse the idea a little.

SOL is meant to simply be a proxy for a single person's single vote to apply to any Australian Senate decisions or activities which is likely to gain the interest of more than just a fringe of Internet hardcore aficionados. There is a contract made by each SOL senator binding him or her to vote according to the interests of SOL's registered members (presumably any enrolled citizen whose name and address can be verified; presumably it doesn't cost anything either).

You vote for your state or territory's SOL senate candidate(s). If the SOL candidate fails to get a spot in the senate then your state or territory's participation in SOL presumably has no impact on senate decisions. But if they are elected, then for any bill you can vote for or against it. When the citizen vote reaches a quorum and has a majority of at least 70% the senator casts that vote in the senate proper. Failure to attain a quorum or a majority of 70% would mean the senator is obliged to abstain from voting.

You can examine the FAQ page of SOL's website to try and gauge whether it could really work. Barring a few important concerns I had, I'm optimistic that it can! When I first checked out the website, no senate candidates had put up their hands but now 5 states have candidates. It's not too crazy to imagine a SOL candidate could be elected in a couple of states, particularly if SOL gets its act together and gets 2 candidates for each state so voters can vote above the line.

What a revolution if it takes off! Not to mention that it could be a valid alternative opinion polling mechanism with a large enough uptake.

Now for the important concerns... and I'll be emailing this post to SOL to seek answers. Aussies, skip the green text.

A quick primer for international readers: you may be interested to know that when Australia was federated about 106 years ago, the senate was designed with the idea in mind that there would be equal representation for each state, regardless of the population and geographic location of each state (similar to the US senate, but not the Canadian senate or the British House of Lords). So there are 12 senators from each state, who serve staggered 6 year terms in two groups of 6, and 2 from each territory, who serve 3 year terms. Thus there are 6 new senators per state and 2 new senators per territory following each federal election.

The other thing you non-Aussies need to know is that it is compulsory for citizens to enrol (on the electoral roll) and it is compulsory for all enrolled citizens to vote, which equates to a voting population of almost the same size as the actual population.


Concern #1: Have to get SOL candidates elected

Unfortunately, there is little explanation of what will pan out on a state by state basis. From the explanations given on the FAQ page so far, there is an implication that SOL exists as 8 discrete units to account for different SOL actions in each of the 6 states and 2 territories. For starters, if there is no senate candidate for a particular state or territory or there is a candidate but he/she doesn't get elected SOL is useless for residents of the entire state or territory. This is not really any different to any other political party, but SOL can't offer nation-wide direct democracy as promised without outdoing the other minor parties on this point.

Having to vote below the line will make it much harder for SOL candidates to be elected. Regardless, I think that there is a real value in asking all enrolled citizens to vote via SOL anyway in the interest of being able to collect statistics on people's opinions at a national level for free, but that is a separate discussion.

Concern #2: The 100,000 quorum

My greatest concern is with SOL's quorum rule, which is not only ambiguous but, whichever way the ambiguity falls, unfairly advantaging the larger states over smaller (and all states over territories).

The answer to question #4 in the FAQ states:
Where there is a clear majority view, which will be when there have been 100,000 votes cast and there is a 70% majority view, this will become the SOL party view. In the event of votes being less than 100,000 or the majority not reaching 70%, a clear majority view may be able to be determined by the party otherwise the party’s view will be to abstain from voting.
Consider the following rough population stats for the states and territories (gleaned from Wikipedia so the accuracy is questionable but should be good enough for our purposes):

State population100,000 people as %
NSW6,817,100 (2006)1.467%
Qld4,264,590 (2007)2.345%
SA1,514,337 (2006)6.604%
Tas489,600 (2007)20.425%
Vic5,110,500 (2006)1.957%
WA2,094,500 (2007)4.774%
Territory population100,000 people as %
ACT336,400 (2006)29.727%
NT209,000 (2006)47.847%


Does the 100,000 minimum apply at (i) the national level of any given issue or (ii) just at a state level?

If the answer is (i) then doesn't that dramatically advantage states like NSW and QLD over states like TAS and the 2 territories, going totally against the whole idea of the senate not being proportional at a national level but securing state and territory interests regardless of interstate population and geography differences?

For example, if there was a bill to build a nuclear power dispose of nuclear waste somewhere in the remote Northern Territory, it could turn out that a combination of 0.75% of NSW residents and 25% of NT residents together reached the 100,000 quorum. But let's say NSW residents were unanimously voting to support the bill but NT residents were unanimously voting to oppose, the NSW residents have managed to neutralise the NT senator's vote with less than 1% of their population, whereas it required about a quarter of the entire population of the NT!

If the answer is (ii) then isn't it unfair that the NT would need almost 50% participation to be able to get their vote to apply whereas NSW would need only about 1.5%?

Taking the above example, all it would take is 1.5% of NSW residents to unanimously condone it to have the NSW SOL senator vote to approve the bill. Whereas in the NT, it would require about 50% of the residents to unanimously oppose the bill to have *their* SOL senator cast a vote of opposition. Fair and useful to Australia? I think not. In both (i) and (ii) the larger states are advantages massively over the smaller states and both territories. If I was a resident of the NT I certainly would not take the risk of voting in a 'lame duck' senator whose hands would be almost always tied!

I think what needs to happen, for the working of SOL to be fair between states is to enforce something like a 5% rule and apply the quorum rule at the state/territory level, where 5% (5 being an arbitrary figure that seems about right) of the state or territory must participate (and split at more than 70% to 30% for the vote to count as SOL already specifies). Since the Northern Territory has a population of not much more than 200,000, not much more than 10,000 votes would be required, whereas in New South Wales, a few more than 340,000 would be the quorum, and in South Australia it would be a few less than 80,000.

Would that still protect against SOL receiving a stacked vote arranged by an organised lobby group? Hopefully yes, because you still have to have a bill of state-wide significance to achieve the state quota.

What about the 70% majority required to apply the vote? Is that applied at the national or state/territory level? If it's applied at the national level then we have the same problems as described above and there is no fair resolution. Therefore I hope that it is applied on a state by state basis and that there is no problem.

Updates from SOL administration to come soon hopefully. In the meantime, I'm interested to know others think of the whole SOL idea...

Update (19 November 2007): SOL founder, Berge Der Sarkissian, was dedicated enough to phone me with a detailed explanation of how the SOL 100,000 quorum applies. It seems that I missed some detail on the SOL FAQ but I'm glad to say I understand how it works now.

The 100,000 quorum rule applies at BOTH the state and national level. For a given bill, the state senator (eg. let's imagine Joel Clark is elected here in SA) will vote exclusively according to the participants in that state (eg. SA) as long as the quorum is reached. I the quorum is not reach at the state level then all the participants nationwide have control of that (eg. South Australian) senator's vote.

Berge pointed out that the quorum is important as a minimum to avoid hijacking by special interest groups/lobbies. I tend to agree, although perhaps that figure could be refined in the future.

What this also means is that there will never be a lame-duck SOL senator unless quorum isn't reach at the national level, which hopefully will be a rare event.

All in all, I'm reassured that the system is pretty fair and safe. Thanks again to Berge.

One last note. If you wish to vote for SOL in the senate, note their preferences registered with the AEC (page 28-29) unless you're voting below the line.



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Thursday, April 19, 2007

How broad is broadband? Not a problem of breadth but universality!

How broad is broadband A really good article in Crikey yesterday that cuts through all the bullshit surrounding claims about broadband in Australia. The fact is that the broadband in my city-centre office is fantastic, fast and affordable for business, but drive and hour outside and it's not. "Better broadband" isn't about Australia performing better against some international benchmarks, but simply providing more equitable access over various geographical locations. That is what we want fixed!
Don't trust everything you read on the Australian internet
Shara Evans, Founder and CEO of Market Clarity (independent research company), 18 April 2007

With Australia's internet speeds a hot election topic, figures are being thrown about to demonstrate where we sit in a global field.

For example, the World Economic Forum "league table" has been cited by many commentators as showing that Australia has the 25th lowest "internet bandwidth" in the world.

It demonstrates no such thing.

The problem with statistics – particularly in the telecommunications market – is that too often, numbers are handled by people who:
  • Don’t understand the limitations of the source data;
  • Don’t understand the age of the source data; or
  • Are so concerned with a political point that they don’t want to know whether their data is accurate or not.
The WEF data quantifies Australia’s international connectivity. It adds up the capacity of our international submarine cables, assigns a portion to internet use, divides this capacity by our population, and ranks countries according to "International capacity per 10,000 inhabitants".

This doesn’t tell us much about Australia’s telecommunications development, because:
  1. International capacity doesn’t measure the broadband speeds available to customers – it measures how much traffic carriers need to send overseas. For example, if Google puts a server in Australia, searches no longer travel to America.
  2. Capacity on modern fibre optic cables can be added as required, but capacity measurements generally look at the total amount of lit capacity (what’s needed now), as opposed to the potential capacity of a cable system.
  3. International capacity may impact the "wait time" to download a file from America or Japan. However, this is in the control of the ISP, which decides how much capacity it can afford to buy.
  4. The WEF report uses data published by the ITU in 2002 — the equivalent of ancient history in Internet time.
  5. The data used in the WEF report falls short of reality (current lit capacity) by a factor of 16. Its assertion that Australia has around 5 Mbps per 10,000 citizens is simply inaccurate. The available international capacity on Southern Cross, Jarasaurus, SeaMeWe-3, Australia-Japan Cable and the venerable Tasman-2 system is more than 240 Gbps — with more than 80 Mbps of international Internet capacity per 10,000 people.
In other words, the metric used to justify calling Australia’s broadband download speeds a "disgrace" is inaccurate and inapplicable. It also ignores the fact that market forces are addressing international capacity. Three groups (Southern Cross, Telstra, and the Pipe Networks – VSNL consortium) are planning many terabits of new capacity.

What of the famed OECD league table, favourite of politicians and journalists?

While describing the table as "a disgrace" may be too strong, it should be handled with care. In particular:
  • There seems to be no single common denominator for the word "broadband". Some countries count 64 Kbps services; the European Commission’s definition (not used by all EC countries) starts at 144 Kbps. Australia’s definition (256 Kbps) is higher than 17 out of 30 OECD nations, while another three countries don’t start counting broadband until 512 Kbps.
  • The OECD uses ACCC broadband figures, yet Australian Bureau of Statistics broadband numbers are significantly higher (3.6m versus 3.9m in Sept 2006).
  • There is no way for the everyday reader to confirm the accuracy of the data, since some individual countries do not release their own public broadband statistics.
Broadband statistics are good enough for an argument around the barbecue — but any serious attempt to map policy (and billions of dollars) to broadband league tables needs to start with accurate data.
Image courtesy of monkeyinabox.net.
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